Those of Favre settled for 20 minutes in the Parc des Princes, but without disturbing Keylor Navas. Sancho and Hazard were always Dortmund’s options to come out on the counterattack, but the German team gave the impression of being very conservative. He did not look for the 0-1 and he only closed pass lines to avoid that Neymar received comfortable. Cavani had the clearest chance at 25, but Burki avoided 1-0 with a great save.PSG turned the tie before the break thanks to two errors by the rival. Neymar’s 1-0 lead, the Madrid academy player Achraf loses the mark very easily, and On Bernat’s second goal, Dortmund’s central defenders were uncoordinated, allowing Sarabia to receive a legal position and assist the left-back.In the second part, PSG began to catch the result of the match. The 2-0 put the Parisians in quarters, and although it had some chance of danger, Dortmund gradually grew. Tuchel entered Kurzawa as winger to endure the result, Emre Can was expelled from a fight with Neymar and there was hardly time for anything else. The party was life or death for PSG. No public because of the coronavirus, and with a Tuchel gambling the position, the Parisians were forced to win to avoid another bump in the Champions League. The German left Mbappé on the bench (he was in doubt until the last minute), gave Sarabia the title and placed Paredes in the center of the field, next to Gueye. The losses of Thiago Silva, Verratti and Meunier already in themselves conditioned the initial approach. Favre, meanwhile, repeated the three-way system from the first leg. After three consecutive years falling in the knockout stages of the Champions League, PSG broke its hex after defeating Dortmund 2-0 and trailing 2-1 in the first leg in Germany. Neymar scored the first and Bernat signed the victory before the break. Goals1-0, 27 ‘: Neymar, 2-0, 45 ‘: Bernat ChangesKylian Mbappe (63 ‘, Sarabia), Brandt (68 ‘, T. Hazard), Gio Reyna (70 ‘, Witsel), Layvin Kurzawa (78 ‘, Say María), Gotze (86 ‘, Achraf Hakimi), Nianzou Tanguy Kouassi (91 ‘, Walls) It was not a brilliant first part in Paris. The lack of public was evident in the intensity that both teams printed for 45 minutes. The Parisians returned for an instant to seeing ghosts with Neymar, after a bad fall from the Brazilian in the 8th minute that left him uncertain for several minutes due to a blow to the shoulder. CardsReferee: Anthony TaylorVAR Referee: Stuart AttwellErling Braut Haland (15 ‘, Yellow) Hummels (60 ‘, Yellow) Bernat (67 ‘, Yellow) Emre Can (88 ‘, Red) Neymar (89 ‘, Yellow) Marquinhos (89 ‘, Yellow) Say mary (89 ‘, Yellow) Kylian Mbappe (92 ‘, Yellow
But Fjelstad acknowledged litigation “plays, certainly, a real role in things here” due to the vast amount of federal land in the state. But now, they’re gearing up for the most high-profile court battle yet: oil development in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge’s Coastal Plain. The first major opportunity for groups to sue will come this fall, when Interior is slated to release its final environmental analysis on a planned oil lease sale there. Eric Fjelstad, a partner at the law firm Perkins Coie in Anchorage who often represents oil, gas and mining companies, cautioned against giving lawyers too much credit for influencing the fate of the Trump Administration’s plans in Alaska. Economics are key, he said. Grafe lives and works in Anchorage, but Earthjustice is a national group, headquartered in San Francisco. Still, he rejects that narrative. In response to that charge, Interior officials have asserted they are not cutting corners, claiming that because the Coastal Plain oil lease sale is a top priority, more staff time and resources are being devoted to the project. The offshore drilling case highlights the key role of the courts as the Trump administration pursues its vision for Alaska. Two and a half years into this administration, when it comes to the “path for energy dominance,” lawyers in Alaska like Grafe have proven to be significant impediments. “The tax law did not wipe any of those off the books,” Brisson said. “What we do in our work now is to make sure that whatever program they are going to try to put in place complies with the law, and if they don’t, our role will be to hold them accountable.” Grafe is an attorney with Earthjustice in Anchorage. He was one of the lawyers behind a significant court decision in March, when a judge in Anchorage struck down Donald Trump’s executive order re-opening vast portions of the Arctic Ocean to oil leasing, after former President Barack Obama banned development there in 2016. The Trump administration is appealing. But for the time being, the ruling has effectively hobbled the administration’s push to expand oil drilling opportunities in some 125 million acres of the Beaufort and Chukchi Seas. And no matter what the White House’s agenda is — whether it’s to halt oil drilling to deal with climate change, or to pursue “energy dominance” — all Americans have a right to challenge that agenda in court. Grafe added that public lands belong to all Americans, not just Alaskans. “BLM’s draft EIS is so lacking and its analysis so flawed that bringing it into compliance with legal mandates will require significant revisions,” the letter stated. Earthjustice, Grafe said, “is built for this moment.” “From my perspective in the trenches, the markets, what’s happening with the economics of a project, its marketability, its ability to get financed — those are still the outsize issues that primarily drive whether things happen or not,” Fjelstad said. Brook Brisson, an attorney with Trustees for Alaska, in the Arctic Refuge near the Kongakut River and Brooks Range foothills in 2012. (Photo courtesy Brisson) Environmental groups and their lawyers have been critical of the work Interior has done so far. In March, they sent an over 400-page letter to the Bureau of Land Management picking apart the agency’s draft environmental analysis for oil leasing on the Coastal Plain. Legal teams working for environmental groups have been preparing for this fight from the minute Trump took the White House, according to Brook Brisson, a senior staff attorney at Trustees for Alaska. Another criticism often lodged against Interior’s efforts to hold an oil lease sale in the Refuge has been speed. “We’re there to stop them by making sure that the laws that are meant to protect those areas, that are meant to allow the public to be involved in those decisions — that they’re upheld,” Grafe said. Along with coalition of other environmental groups, Grafe won against the President of the United States. In response to an interview request for this story, Interior spokesperson Molly Block declined to comment on litigation directly. In an email, Block said, “Congress has given the Department clear direction to establish and administer a competitive oil and gas program on the Coastal Plain.” “We are no more interlopers than the oil companies, for example, which are multinational corporations, after all, interested in extracting resources, which by its definition means taking wealth from the state, out of the state,” Grafe said. Erik Grafe at Earthjustice’s office in downtown Anchorage (Photo by Elizabeth Harball/Alaska’s Energy Desk) “You just can’t create an oil and gas leasing program, much less analyze fully a potential lease sale in an area that hasn’t had a history of that in two years or even less, really. You’re not going to make the right call on that,” said Peter Van Tuyn, a longtime environmental attorney in Alaska. “When you have that kind of rush, you’re guaranteeing litigation — that’s no surprise to anybody. I also think you’re increasing the likelihood of being reversed in court.” In Alaska, the pro-oil development side frequently points out that big green groups that sue to halt oil drilling are often based out of state. For that reason, environmental litigation is often cast as the work of interlopers, set on shutting down one of the state’s primary economic drivers, and who don’t have Alaska’s best interest at heart. Early on, the Trump administration made expanding oil development in Alaska’s federal lands and waters a priority, with former Interior Secretary Ryan Zinke proclaiming “the only path for energy dominance is a path through the great state of Alaska.” Drilling in the Refuge may now be legal, but it still must comply with a bevy of other laws, like the National Environmental Policy Act, the Endangered Species Act and the Alaska National Interest Lands Conservation Act, to name a few. As with the dispute over Arctic offshore drilling, the courts will likely determine who is right. And to be sure, lawyers on both sides acknowledge lawsuits over Arctic Refuge drilling are virtually guaranteed, no matter how long Interior works on it. This March, lawyer Erik Grafe won a big case. And he didn’t win against just anyone, either.